Last year, ExxonMobil donated $7 million to a grab-bag of public policy
institutes, including the Aspen Institute, the Asia Society and Transparency
International. It also gave a combined $125,000 to the Heritage Institute and
the National Center for Policy Analysis, two conservative think tanks that have
offered dissenting views on what until recently was called—without irony—the
climate change “consensus”.
To read some of the press accounts of these gifts—amounting to about
0.0027% of Exxon’s 2008 profits of $45 billion—you might think you’d hit upon
the scandal of the age. But thanks to what now goes by the name of climategate,
it turns out the real scandal lies elsewhere.
Climategate concerns some of the world’s leading climate scientists working
in tandem to block freedom of information requests, blackball dissenting
scientists, manipulate the peer-review process and obscure, destroy or massage
inconvenient temperature data—facts that were laid bare by last week’s
disclosure of thousands of emails from the University of East Anglia’s Climatic
Research Unit, or CRU.
But the deeper question is why the scientists behaved this way to begin
with, especially since the science behind man-made global warming is said to be
firmly settled. To answer the question, it helps to turn the alarmists’
follow-the-money methods right back at them.
Consider the case of Phil Jones, the director of CRU and the man at the
heart of climategate. According to one of the documents leaked from his centre,
between 2000 and 2006, Jones was the recipient (or co-recipient) of some $19
million worth of research grants, a sixfold increase over what he’d been awarded
in the 1990s.
Why did the money pour in so quickly? Because the climate alarm kept
ringing so loudly: The louder the alarm, the greater the sums. And who better to
ring it than people like Jones, one of its likeliest beneficiaries?
Thus, the European Commission’s most recent appropriation for climate
research comes to nearly $3 billion, and that’s not counting funds from the
European Union’s (EU) member governments. In the US, the House intends to spend
$1.3 billion on National Aeronautics and Space Administration’s climate efforts,
$400 million on National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and another
$300 million for the National Science Foundation. American states also have a
piece of the action, with California— apparently not feeling bankrupt
enough—devoting $600 million to their own climate initiative. In Australia,
alarmists have their own department of climate change at their funding
disposal.
And all this is only a fraction of the $94 billion that HSBC estimates has
been spent globally this year on what it calls “green stimulus”—largely ethanol
and other alternative energy schemes—of the kind from which Al Gore and his
partners at Kleiner Perkins hope to profit handsomely.
Supply, as we know, creates its own demand. So for every additional billion
in government-funded grants (or the tens of millions supplied by foundations
such as the Pew Charitable Trusts), universities, research institutes, advocacy
groups and their various spin-offs and dependants have emerged from the woodwork
to receive them.
Today these groups form a kind of ecosystem of their own. They include not
just old standbys like the Sierra Club or Greenpeace, but also Ozone Action,
Clean Air Cool Planet, Americans for Equitable Climate Change Solutions, the
Alternative Energy Resources Association, the California Climate Action Registry
and so on and on. All of them have been on the receiving end of climate
change-related funding, so they must believe in the reality (and catastrophic
imminence) of global warming just as a priest must believe in the existence of
God.
None of these outfits are per se corrupt, in the sense that the monies they
get are spent on something other than their intended purposes. But they depend
on an inherently corrupting premise, namely that the hypothesis on which their
livelihood depends has in fact been proved. Absent that proof, everything they
represent—including the thousands of jobs they provide— vanishes. This is what’s
known as a vested interest, and vested interests are an enemy of sound
science.
Which brings us back to the climategate scientists, the keepers of the keys
to the global warming cathedral. In one of the more telling disclosures from
last week, a computer programmer writes of CRU’s temperature database: “I am
very sorry to report that the rest of the databases seems to be in nearly as
poor a state as Australia was... Aarrggghhh! There truly is no end in sight...
We can have a proper result, but only by including a load of garbage!”
This is not the sound of settled science, but of a cracking empirical
foundation. And however many billion-dollar edifices may be built on it, sooner
or later it is bound to crumble.
©2009/THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
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